The Seeds of
Evil: Germany 1919 - 1933. |
Source Material illustrating Hitler's early ideological beliefs:
For us there are only two possibilities: either we remain German or we
come under the thumb of the Jews. This latter must not occur; even if we
are small, we are a force. A well-organized group can conquer a strong enemy.
If you stick close together and keep bringing in new people, we will be
victorious over the Jews.
Adolf Hitler, 9th November
1921. Munich. |
| Besides this we always find two great catchwords, 'Freedom'
and 'Democracy,' used, I might say, as signboards. 'Freedom': under that
term is understood, at least amongst those in authority who in fact carry
on the Government, the possibility of an unchecked plundering of the masses
of the people to which no resistance can be offered. The masses themselves
naturally believe that under the term 'freedom' they possess the right
to a quite peculiar freedom of motion - freedom to move the tongue and
to say what they choose, freedom to move about the streets, etc. A bitter
deception!
And the same is true of democracy. In general even in the early days
both England and France had already been bound with the fetters of slavery.
With, I might say, a brazen security these States are fettered with
Jewish chain s....
Adolf Hitler, 28th April 1922. Munich |
The essential character of the November-Republic is to be seen in
the comings and goings to London, to Spa, to Paris and Genoa. Subserviency
towards the enemy, surrender of the human dignity of the German, pacifist
cowardice, tolerance of every indignity, readiness to agree to everything
until nothing more remains. This November Republic bore the stamp of
the men who made it. The name 'November criminals' will cling to these
folk throughout the centuries....
Adolf Hitler, 12th September 1923. Munich. |
| In the economic sphere this Revolution has proved to be an immense misfortune.
The districts which were most important for the feeding of our people
were lost and districts which are the condition for the feeding of the
nation have been treasonably alienated. And what did the Revolution not
prophesy for us in the political sphere? One heard of the right of Self-Determination
of Peoples, of the League of Nations, of Self-Government of the People.
And what was the result? A World Peace, but a World Peace over a Germany
which was but a field of corpses. Disarmament, but only the disarmament
of Germany, with Germany looting its own resources. Self-determination,
yes, but self-determination for every Negro tribe: and Germany does not
count as a Negro tribe. League of Nations, yes: but a League of Nations
which serves only as the guarantor for the fulfillment of the Peace Treaty,
not for a better world order which is to come. And government by the people
- for five years past no one has asked the people what it thinks of the
act of November of the year 1918: at the head of the Reich there stands
a President who is rejected by the overwhelming majority of the people
and who has not been chosen by the people. Seventeen million Germans are
in misery under foreign rule.
Hardly ever in five years has so much been torn away from the German
nation as in these years of the so-called successful Revolution. We
have been rendered defenseless: we are without rights: we have become
the pariahs of the world. What are our organs of government today but
organs for executing the will of foreign tyrants? . .
Adolf Hitler, 12th September 1923. Munich.
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For us it was a filthy crime against the German people, a stab in
the back of the German nation. The middle class could not take up arms
against it because the middle class did not understand the whole revolution.
It was necessary to start a new struggle and to incite against the Marxist
despoilers of the people who did not even belong to the German race
- which is where the Marxist problem is linked with the race problem,
forming one of the most difficult and profound questions of our time....
Adolf Hitler, speaking at his trial. 26th February
1924. Munich. |
The cure of a sickness can only be achieved if its cause is known, and
the same is true of curing political evils. To be sure, the outward form
of a sickness, its symptom which strikes the eye, is easier to see and
discover than the inner cause. And this is the reason why so many people
never go beyond the recognition of external effects and even confuse them
with the cause, attempting, indeed, to deny the existence of the latter.
Thus most of us primarily see the German collapse only in the general
economic misery and the consequences arising there from. Nearly every
one of us must personally suffer these-a cogent ground for every individual
to understand the catastrophe. Much less does the great mass see the collapse
in its political, cultural, ethical, and moral aspect. In this the feeling
and understanding of many fail completely.
That this should be so among the broad masses may still pass, but for
even the circles of the intelligentsia to regard the German collapse as
primarily an 'economic catastrophe,' which can therefore be cured by economic
means, is one of the reasons why a recovery has hitherto been impossible.
Only when it is understood that here, too, economics is only of second
or third-rate importance, and the primary role falls to factors of politics,
ethics, morality, and blood, will we arrive at an understanding of the
present calamity, and thus also be able to find the ways and means for
a cure.
The question of the causes of the German collapse is, therefore, of decisive
importance, particularly for a political movement whose very goal is supposed
to be to quell the defeat.
But, in such research into the past, we must be very careful not to confuse
the more conspicuous effects with the less visible causes.
The easiest and hence most widespread explanation of the present misfortune
is that it was brought about by the consequences of the lost War and that
therefore the War is the cause of the present evil.
Adolf
Hitler, Chapter 10, Volume 1. Mein Kampf. |
| No more than Nature desires the mating of weaker with
stronger individuals, even less does she desire the blending of a higher
with a lower race, since, if she did, her whole work of higher breeding,
over perhaps hundreds of thousands of years, night be ruined with one
blow.
Historical experience offers countless proofs of this. It shows with
terrifying clarity that in every mingling of Aryan blood with that of
lower peoples the result was the end of the cultured people. North America,
whose population consists in by far the largest part of Germanic elements
who mixed but little with the lower colored peoples, shows a different
humanity and culture from Central and South America, where the predominantly
Latin immigrants often mixed with the aborigines on a large scale. By
this one example, we can clearly and distinctly recognize the effect
of racial mixture. The Germanic inhabitant of the American continent,
who has remained racially pure and unmixed, rose to be master of the
continent; he will remain the master as long as he does not fall a victim
to defilement of the blood.
The result of all racial crossing is therefore in brief always the following:
- Lowering of the level of the higher race;
- Physical and intellectual regression and hence the beginning of
a slowly but surely progressing sickness.
Adolf Hitler, Chapter 11, Volume 1. Mein Kampf.
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The State is only a means to an end. Its end and its purpose is to
preserve and promote a community of human beings who are physically
as well as spiritually kindred. Above all, it must preserve the existence
of the race, thereby providing the indispensable condition for the free
development of all the forces dormant in this race. A great part of
these faculties will always have to be employed in the first place to
maintain the physical existence of the race, and only a small portion
will be free to work in the field of intellectual progress. But, as
a matter of fact, the one is always the necessary counterpart of the
other.
Those States which do not serve this purpose have no justification for
their existence. They are monstrosities. The fact that they do exist
is no more of a justification than the successful raids carried out
by a band of pirates can be considered a justification of piracy.
We National Socialists, who are fighting for a new philosophy of life
must never take our stand on the famous 'basis of facts', and especially
not on mistaken facts. If we did so, we should cease to be the protagonists
of a new and great idea and would become slaves in the service of the
fallacy which is dominant today. We must make a clear-cut distinction
between the vessel and its contents. The State is only the vessel and
the race is what it contains. The vessel can have a meaning only if
it preserves and safeguards the contents. Otherwise it is worthless.
Adolf Hitler, Chapter 2, Volume 2. Mein Kampf.
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